History and etymology of Butera

G. Battaglia, at the beginning of the twentieth century, about Butera wrote: "There is nothing remarkable in Butera: only we see an ancient castle of Norman architecture in good condition on a rock " (See G. Battaglia, “Guida descrittiva della Sicilia”,  G. Pedone Lauriel, 1904, p. 8). Today, the “anonymous” Butera of the early years of last century is one of the most important archaeological sites in Sicily.

True to tell, though high-level  presentation, as was the case in the book by G. Battaglia, published in 1904, there was no awareness of the value of some Sicilian sites, the “Accademia dei Lincei”, 1906, published a volume dedicated to Gela and its territory. In this text, were laying the foundation for future studies on Butera and its possible identification with ancient sites, relating to the Sicanians, the Sicules and Greek colonization. Paolo Orsi (1859-1935) was the author of that ancient and weighty volume of the “Accademia dei Lincei”,  in which he discussed the question  on the place "where were the Siculian town of ‘Omphake’, ‘Maktorion’ and ‘Kakyron’" (p. 30), ventilating the idea that the site of Butera could be identified with the ancient "Omphake" or "Maktorion": "[...] The stubborn and bloody struggles, which are the inevitable consequence of any colonial enterprise,  trobled the life of Gela in the seventh century BC to the conquest of the plains and hills. If  any memory of them in the tradition is gone, I recognize an episode [of these struggles]  in the conquest of ‘Omphake’, ‘Pòlisma Sikanon’ [a small town of the Sicanians] already by the 'oikistes' [founder] Antiphemus (690 BC), who sacked a sacred image, believed by Daedalus  [that is “the legendary ancestor of all Greek artists] (Pausanias [110-180 AD], VIII, 46).

The occupation of  ‘Omphake’ , the site of which is  still uncertain, but not far from Gela, indicates that there was an expansion of territory to the detriment of the Sicules, in part rendered tributaries, partly driven into the mountains. This fact is clarified by archaeological researchs in recent years set up on the hills of Caltagirone, where at the source of the river Gela, ‘Monte San Mario’ and ‘Monte Bubbonia’ some materials were found native to Gela (‘Notizie Scavi’, 1903, p. 483, 1904, p. 140, 1904, p. 373, 1905, pp. 441, 447), so to make us believe that especially in the first place the inhabitants of Gela installed by the end of the seventh century or early sixth century BC their military station. Also 'Maktorion' (Butera?) was near Gela, and in the seventh century BC it received a losing party of the population because of internecine struggles (Herodotus [(fifth century BC] VII, 153; Stephanus of Byzantium [6th century AD]) (...) These episodes attest  the overwhelming aristocratic element, degenerating into tyranny, with princes, whose name has survived only a few (Cleandro, killed in 505; Arisi, Polii in 231 [...]" (See P. Orsi, “Monumenti Antichi” [“Ancient Monuments”], published by the “Reale Accademia dei Lincei”, Rome, Ulrico Hoepli, 1906, Vol XVII, p. 15).

The interest for Butera revived in the '50s thanks to the studies of Dinu Adamesteanu (1913-2004), who, through a series of surveys conducted between 1951 and 1954,  discovered not only unexpected relationships with places which  apparently seemed  far away from those times ( Crete), but he concluded that "Omphake" was the ancient site of Butera. With a first-rate historical insight, Adamesteanu  successfully developed a literary source, namely Philistos of Syracuse (430-356 BC), whose work was found in fragments in the Oxyrhynchus Papyri, discovered in those years. In a fragment [No 19]  entitled “Perì Sikelìas” (About Sicily) Philistos  spoke of some towns in Sicily, among which he quoted “Omphake” and “Kakyron”, both located near Gela. G. De Sanctis wrote: “Omphake is remembered in the history of 'ktisis' (foundation) of Gela (Pausanias, VIII, 46.2) and therefore we must seek it in the immediate vicinity of that city (...) With regard to ‘Kakiron’, this city is mentioned only by Ptolemy (Geography, III, 4.7) (...) and its position is quite uncertain, but [Philistos] states that, like ‘Omphake’, it was near Gela "(See G. De Sanctis, “Scritti Minori”, Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1983, p. 118).

The conclusion of these long archaeological researchs in the first half of the '50s is that, in essence, the insights of Orsi and  Adamesteanu were confirmed by contemporary studies: [...] The site of Butera, which is identified with  ‘Omphake’ (if, how it seems, the assumption made by Adamesteanu in '53 is correct, ) turns out, according to archaeological material, as the first town conquered by the “Geloi” [inhabitants of Gela] in this effort to settle north of the plains they have occupied. During the seventh century BC were colonized 'Maktorion', identified by Orlandini as the town of Monte Bubbonia and 'Kakyron', identified as the fortified town of Monte Saraceno, while the town of Monte Desusino was occupied in mid-sixth century BC  by  the inhabitants of Akragas (“Agrigento”) from when they replaced  Gela in the domain of the valley of Salso River. [...]" (See S.N. Consolo Langher, “Eknomos e la valle dell'Himera nelle vicende storiche tra VII e IV secolo BC fino ad Agatocle”, in “Archivio storico messinese”, 1992, n. 60, p. 9 ). As we said above, Adamesteanu in his studies also established special relations with rituals that were practiced in far away lands. Consolo Langher writes: "[...] A confirmation of the location of  Omphake in  Butera, is found on the affinities of the funeral rites of its necropolis with Cretans funeral rites (the necropolis of Prinias) indicating at Butera  the presence of a large people of Cretan origin [...]" (See p.). The  Cretans rites are related to the so-called "Akephalia", that is “burial of the head separated from the body (...)  Similar grave rituals are documented in Gela and in Prinias, Crete, and Adamesteanu interprets the seventh-century settlement phase at Butera as Greek. He regards it as a Cretan settlement founded contemporarily with Gela and probably the city of Omphake soon taken by Gela (cf. Pausania, 8.43.3)” ( Vedi T. Heine Nielsen,  “Even more studies in the ancient Greek Polis”, Franz Steiner Verlag, 2002,  p. 135).

But what happened in Gela and in all its territory, including 'Omphale', 'Maktorion' and 'Karyco'n in the Hellenistic and Roman times? Almost nothing, according to P. Orsi [but see below about the new discoveries]. P. Orsi painted a dismail picture of this area in Roman times. Gela was literally destroyed by Finzia, the tyrant of Agrigento  (P. Orsi, pp. 20-21): "The disaster was so complete and terrible that for centuries no one spoke about Gela." Just Cicero  [106-43 BC] (Verrinae, III, 43) still quoted the “Gelenses” [inhabitants of Gela] and Gela, which was described as a decuman city  which “paid an agrarian tithe to Rome” and it was also mentioned by Pliny (23-79 AD), but, as pointed out by P. Orsi, "the catalog of Pliny quoted cities that no longer exist." After saying that he spent “many months in the two cities [Gela and Camarina], covering the soil in every direction," P. Orsi concluded: “[…]I don’t find  Roman or Greek tombs, or epigraphic fragments (...)  For me, the political supremacy of Gela finished in 280 BC […]” (p. 21, column 1).

 

If this was the fate of one the most important cities of Sicily in Roman times, anything could be remain of the small towns, as “Omphake”, that is the current Butera.  The former location of it is now established, but it had  a very confusing history, which saw involved the greatest  nodern Sicilian scholars, such as T. Fazello (1498-1570), who protested against  the opinion of Cluverius [Philipp Clüver, 1580-1622], for whom Butera was even the ancient "Hybla Heraea":“quod an Hyblea Minima fuerit non assero”   [I do not think that Butera had been the ancient "Hybla Minor" (that is "Hybla Heraea)]. Then Cluverius changed his opinion about this, saying that  "Hybla Heraea" was Ragusa.

With regard to the etymology of Butera, the situation was and still remains uncertain. Without going into an intricate discussion, we can say that contemporary critics tend to reject the assumption of an etymology of Arab origin, to move towards a Greek word. In fact, G.B. Pellegrini writes: "The Arabic form for Butera, always with the interdental, should be an indication of a Greek etymon with / d / (the etymological assumptions from Arabic  do not satisfy)" (See G.B. Pellegrini, “Saggi di linguistica italiana: storia, struttura, società”, Milano, Boringhieri,  1975, p. 456). In this sense it is believed that the name derives from the Greek term "botèr-botèros" (shepherd) [See, “Centro di studi filologici e linguistici siciliani”, “Bollettino”, n. 1-2, 1953, n. 1-2, p. 96], or "Boutherès" ([country] that provides a summer pasture] (See "Siculorum gymnasium ...", 1986, p. 140).

Some scholars suggested a derivation from "bouteron" (butter) or "boutyros" (Merchant of butter) [See "Bollettino", p. 96]; others, however, have not abandoned the idea of ??an Arabic derivation, that "the etymon, through the medieval Sicilian 'Buhutu' or 'Buchutu' dates back to the Arabic term 'Bahut' = pure (used for Liquid)”, meaning  pure water "[See“Archeologia medievale”, 1980, Vol 7-8, p. 348). As we can see, even today the situation is quite fluid;  however, B. Pace narrowed to two possible etymologies, for which Butera could come from the Greek-Byzantine term "Patela" (with the meaning of "plain", "with reference to the site on which the town is located"); or from  "Boutherès" ([country] that provides summer pasture] (see B. Pace, “Toponimi Bizantini”, pp. 414-415) in F. Maurici, “Castelli medievali in Sicilia...” , Sellerio, 1992, p. 213 note 141 ).

According to Paolo Orsi, no valid documents identified Butera for the Greek and Roman times. However, recent excavations in the area of ??Butera in the “Contrada Priorato” found remains of a farm and also an epigraphic evidence of the Christian era, which means that after a long neglect of Butera, populations  returned to the site, felt safer in the period of  the barbaric invasions. However, after centuries of almost total silence, Butera actually returned in the light of history, especially during the Byzantine, Arab and Norman times.

The lonely  ancient castle, to which  G. Battaglia alluded, is what remains of a Norman fortress, probably built on a Byzantine fort built to counter the Arab incursions. The Arabs called Butera, such as Al Idrisi said, "Butirah": "From this city [Ragusa] to Butirah  about 45 miles. Butera is an important and famous town (...) well built and decorated with elegance and splendid palaces "(See Al Idrisi, “L’Italia descritta nel ‘Libro di Ruggero’”, edited by M. Amari, Roma, Salviucci, 1883,  p. 35). The town resisted the Arabs, but then it was conquered and they always considered it a fortress of great strategic importance in the control of the territory: "Leontini was taken in 844-845 after its defenders had been exterminated during an unhappy fate. During the various campaigns launched against the eastern region in the emirate of al-Fadl ibn Abba-s in the years 236-247 H./851-861 C. the country was looted on several occasions, and  the territory of Syracuse and Catania  suffered the worst damage. During the campaign of 238 H., the Butera siege ended with an agreement that saved the city in exchange for five hundred slaves: these were probably deported to Palermo, or perhaps sent to Ifri-qiya [that is Lybya, Tunisia and Algeria] "(See F. Cresti, “Città, territorio, popolazione nella Sicilia Musulmana”, in “Mediterranea”, 2007, p. 22).

Was  Butera really an important town in the Arab and Norman times?  At the southern end of  Butera is located the "Castrum Butere" [Castle of Butera] mentioned in medieval documents, that is an  impregnable fortress. Thanks to it, the Arabs resisted the Normans for a long time. "It was not a military fortress on the flat, (...) but a castle that stood on a rock surrounded by natural spurs and surrounded by a river. It was a strategical and vital point for the island domain; a point on which, in little more than two centuries, were decided  the Byzantine and Arab fates.” We know the existence of the "Castrum Butere by two diplomas of Roger I (1031-1101), dating back to 1091 and 1093, and by a Bull of Urban II (1035-1099), presumably of 1091” (See C. A. Garufi [1868-1948], “Per la storia dei secoli XI e XII. Il 'Castrum Butere' e il suo territorio dai Bizantini ai Normanni. Note ed appunti di storia e di Toponomastica”, in “Archivio storico per la Sicilia Orientale” , Catania, 1914, p. 151). It is no possible to follow in detail the history of this fortress, from the Byzantine and Arab times until the advent of the Normans, over all because of the lack of documents both about Butera and its castle. Around 1125 a document of April 2, 1134 mentions a church of "Sancte Marie de Buturio" given by Richard “de Bublii” and his nephew Henry with other property to the Bishop of Lipari and Patti.

The document also quoted a delegate of Henry, or “William ‘stratigotus of Butera’”, who occupied himself with the administration of this land. According to  Garufi, we can reconstruct the history of the town by words, even if concise, of Al Idrisi [1099-1166], who added on it other considerations: "[Butera] has most splendid palaces, well disposed and spacious  markets, with many mosques for public prayers, a bathroom and some 'Hàn' (staples). A river flowing around it among the largest of the 'island, which is flanked by gardens everywhere. The territory offers delicious and abundant fruits. From Butera to the sea there  are about 7 miles. "

Garufi commented  this passage by Al Idrisi like this: " […] Taking Edrisi’s word for  it, it would seem that between 1140 and 1154 the population of Butera was all Muslim, because he remembers only the mosques, while in those places  there were at least four Christian churches, which implies a strong core of Latin and Byzantine population. But Edrisi was an Arab, a follower of Muhammad and his Qur'an, and then he considered the Christians as infidels [...]". The observation of Garufi is correct, because, as it is clear from recent studies " at the early of the twelfth century,  extensive concessions were made by the Sovereign and the “Aleramici” in favour of some religious orders of chivalry (…) to promote the production of wheat (…)In the first half of the twelfth century, Butera, a  strongly Islamized town, was already latinized and its territory related to major religious institutions of the island [as] the church of ‘Santa Maria dell'Alto’ and that of ‘Santa Croce’ "(See S. Fiorilla, “Gela: le ceramiche medievali dai pozzi di Piazza S. Giacomo”, Società Messinese di Storia Patria, 1996, p. 28).

Garufi also stressed that “although his description  revealed a significant partiality in  highlighting the Arab element to the prejudice of the Latin and Byzantine elements, allows us to infer that Butera, in the early Norman days, though maintaining the quality of a strategic  and impregnable fortress, become a pleasant resort  both for the fertility of its surrounding countryside, and for the most splendid palaces that decorated it.” ( See C.A. Garufi,  (p. 156 ff.). As Garufi  mentioned above, under the Norman rule, Butera was one of the most important and largest  estates of the  “Aleramici”, generically called the "Lombards," come in Sicily with Adelaide del Vasto [called Adelasia] (1074-1118), on the occasion of her marriage to Roger I. The marriage of Roger I and Adelaisa "was an opportunity for Henry, brother of Adelaide, in his turn to marry Flandina, daughter of the “Great Count”, then getting by his sister, after the death of Roger I, the County of Paternò."

In a document dating back to 1148,  we find that the son of Henry, Simon, vested the title of "Comes Butere" [Earl of Butera]; however, as noted by E. Mazzarese Fardella, we can not give a full confidence to this document, because was lost "the original parchment" (See E. Mazzarese Fardella, “I feudi Comitali di Sicilia dai Normanni agli Aragonesi”, Milan, Giuffrè, 1974, pp.13 ff.). Around 1195 is already documented another “Comes Butere”, that is  Pagano de Parisio, Count of Avellino, and it is obvious that the vast domains of the Aleramici were divided between two powerful lords at the head of two counties, that of Paternò and the other of  Butera (See E. Mazzarese Fardella, pp. 20-21).

Thus Butera was home to one of the greatest baronies of Sicily from the beginning of the Norman conquest. It belonged to Galvano Lanza, a relative of Bianca Lanza (died 1246), wife of Frederick II of Swabia (1194-1250), and then to Alaimo di Lentini (1245-1287), involved in the War of the Vespers; then to  Artale [died 1389] and Manfredi of Alagona (died 1392), two of the greatest exponents of the Sicilian aristocracy  in the late fourteenth century. With Martin I (1376-1409), Butera was taken to Alagona, and purchased in 1390 by a Spanish knight, Ugone Santapau. Ambrose, son of Isabella Branciforte, daughter of the Earl of Mazarino, in 1563 was created Prince of Butera. The feud of Butera  belonged to the family of the Branciforti until the end of the eighteenth century, finally passing to the Lanza di Trabia-Branciforti. Today Butera is a town with a strong vocation for tourism and it offers an area with many points of interest, from religious buildings to the Necropolis; from the Castle of Falconara to “Marina di Butera”, the coast overlooking the Gulf of Gela , among the hills that descend to the sea  and eucalyptus trees, which surround the coasts prepared for beach tourism.